中國入世承諾合規性的不確定性

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In December of last year the U.S. Trade Representative’s office released the 2012 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 該 11æ—¥ annual report mandated in the U.S.-China Relations Act of 2000. Agriculture is one of the nine broad categories of WTO commitments undertaken by China examined in the report.

The second paragraph of the summary of the report includes a key observation, “For much of the past decade, the Chinese government has been re-emphasizing the state’s role in the economy, diverging from the path of economic reform that drove China’s accession to the WTO.” WTO rules are designed to provide certainty for buyers and sellers operating across market economies. China’s agricultural trade policies do not decrease uncertainties and at times adds to them, which are detrimental to trade and places importers and consumers at a disadvantage.

The agriculture section of the report begins by noting that China has met its commitment to reduce tariffs on agricultural products from an average of 31 ï¼…çš„ 1997 至 14 percent by January 2006. Agricultural exports from the U.S. to China increased from $2.0 billion in calendar year 2002 to a USDA projected $21.2 billion for the fiscal year that began on October 1, 2012. 另一個 $4.0 billion of U.S. exports are expected to go to Hong Kong. But the report notes, “…the full market access potential of China’s tariff cuts was not realized for some products. …a variety of non-tariff barriers continue to impede market access for U.S. agricultural exports to China, particularly exports of consumer-ready and value-added products.”

Tariff rate quotas (TRQ) for major bulk commodities were phased in from 2001-2004 and then fixed. The TRQ for wheat was fixed at 9.6 萬噸 (MMT) with the state trading share at 90 百分, 玉米 7.2 MMT和 60 percent state traded, short/medium grain rice and long grain rice TRQs were set at 2.66 MMT each and 50 percent state traded and cotton at 0.89 MMT和 30 percent state traded. Oilseeds and products do not have TRQs. The vision was that these would lead to transparent, market driven decisions to import products. From the beginning, the State Development and Planning Commission and now the National Development and Reform Commission used the lack of transparency in the TRQ process to protect domestic interests and favor state trading enterprises. TRQs regularly go unused and despite U.S. efforts to make the system more open, transparency issues remain. After ten years of use, there is no reason for TRQs to remain a mystery, unless it is to maintain state control of trade.

Agricultural crop biotechnology regulations have had continuing problems with timeliness to avoid trade disruptions and the protection of intellectual property. China continues to require approval for a trait in the country of origin before it can be submitted for approval in China, which guarantees a lack of timely approval of new traits. Five new products were given approval in May 2012 和 12 existing ones were reapproved in December 2012, but other new events are waiting for approval. Foreign investment restrictions continue to limit product development and control of genetic resources.

Sanitary and phyto-sanitary issues (SPS) are the biggest challenge as regulations continue to be imposed in a non-transparent manner and without clear scientific bases. China’s beef market continues to be totally closed to U.S. beef because of BSE issues. 而美國. is in negotiations with other countries to fully open markets, China still has a closed market, even though there have been repeated promises of an open market. China banned the imports of U.S. pork in April of 2009 because of concern about the H1N1 influenza A virus, but the international consensus is that the virus is not transported by meat products. The ban was lifted in March 2010, and China continues to demand H1N1 language in export certificates for pork that the U.S. considers inappropriate based on science. China continues to ban poultry products from certain states due to Avian Influenza.

China has a zero tolerance limit for the presence for salmonella bacteria, Listeria and other pathogens, even though elimination of these is not considered achievable. There appears to be a ‘national treatment’ issue because China does not apply the same standards to domestic raw meat and poultry. It also has a zero tolerance for ractopamine which is inconsistent with a recent Codex decision that the product is safe.

Under the WTO SPS agreement, most SPS measures must be reported to the WTO SPS Committee and affected members should have the chance to respond before the measures take effect. 以來 2003, 美國. has counted more than 250 measures that have not been identified to the WTO SPS Committee.

Importers are required to obtain a Quarantine Inspection Permit (QIP) before signing purchase contracts for almost all agricultural commodities. The USTR report states, “QIPs are one of the most important trade policy issues affecting the United States and China’s other agricultural trading partners.” Since 2004 QIPs have been valid for six months and are issued frequently, but uncertainty still exists because importers have a very narrow window to purchase, transport and unload cargo before the QIP expires. Traders are hesitant to push for changes because they risk falling out of favor with what remains a very arbitrary system. Little improvement has been made since 2004 despite continued U.S. pressure.

The best indication of the difficulties in the regulatory structure on imports to China is the narrow range of products actually imported. For the first ten months of 2012, total U.S. agricultural exports to China were $21.7 十億. Whole soybeans and products were $10.3 十億, 47.3 佔總數的百分比. Cotton exports were another $3.1 十億, 14.3 佔總數的百分比. Hides and skins and coarse grains were next in line at about $1.0 billion each. Pork imports were $500 百萬, and dairy products were $350 百萬. Other consumer-ready and value-added products are far down the list. One positive factor is that the product list is more diversified than it was a few years ago.

There is no easy way in the WTO system to force a government to choose a market based policy structure with minimal government control. Cases can be filed at the WTO, but that is a slow and costly process. Governments have to see such an approach as being in the best interest of consumers, which is central to a market-based economy.

羅斯Korves是一個經濟政策分析師真相關於貿易 & 技術 (www.truthabouttrade.org).

 

ç¾…æ–¯Korves
寫的

ç¾…æ–¯Korves

ç¾…æ–¯Korves擔任真相關於貿易 & 技術, 之前它成為全球農民網, 從 2004 – 2015 隨著經濟和貿易政策分析師.

研究和重要的農業生產者分析經濟問題, 羅斯提供了關於經濟政策分析的接口和政治進程的深入了解.

先生. Korves擔任美國農場局聯合會作為從經濟學 1980-2004. 他曾擔任首席經濟學家,從四月 2001 至九月 2003 從9月舉行的高級經濟師職稱 2003 到八月 2004.

出生並成長在伊利諾斯州南部養豬場,並就讀於南伊利諾伊大學, 羅斯擁有碩士學位農業企業經濟學. 他的研究和調查,通過他在德國的工作,作為一個國際範圍內 1984 麥克洛伊農業研究員和研究到日本旅遊 1982, 贊比亞和在肯尼亞 1985 和德國 1987.

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